Educating the electorate is the surest way to increase motivation to turnout so that election results might better match the will of the people. Indeed, students who learn about moral reasoning, building arguments and evaluating historical events show significant increases in civic literacy and in rates of voting in America. Topics: Democracy , voting. Written by Roger Brooks. At Facing History and Ourselves, we value conversation—in classrooms, in our professional development for educators, and online.
Older Republicans are much more likely than their younger counterparts to point to ideological factors, such as professors bringing their views into the classroom and too much concern about political correctness on campus.
A Gallup survey found similar partisan divides when it asked those who expressed only some or very little confidence in U. Another national survey conducted last year by Boston-based WGBH News looked more closely at views about the political climate at colleges and universities.
These views differed substantially by party. The equity of the college admissions process has come into question recently, with many concerned that wealth and privilege are having an undue influence. However, a recent Pew Research Center survey finds that the public is not in favor of colleges and universities considering race or ethnicity in making admissions decisions.
So what factors does the public think should drive admissions decisions? Those two largely objective factors stand out among other potential admissions criteria. In some cases, college graduates have different views on this than those who did not graduate from college. This broad overview of data on views about higher education in the U.
The partisan gaps underlying these views are reflective of our politics more broadly. From health care to the environment to immigration and foreign policy, Republicans and Democrats increasingly see the issues of the day through different lenses. Ideological battles waged over the climate and culture on college campuses may make addressing these broader issues more difficult. In times of uncertainty, good decisions demand good data.
This split was relatively stable for decades and then, steadily, it began to change. Disaffected white southern Democrats, in particular, fled in droves. Party realignment doesn't happen overnight. Still, strong support for the Democrats among whites without a college degree, borne out of economic incentives—and racial resentment—began to wane. From the mids to , the diploma divide was small, if not negligible. Even though the Democrats had become the party of civil rights and a broad, multicultural coalition, they were also still the party of unions, which were largely made up of non-degree-holding whites.
Therefore, white people with and without college degrees were equally as likely to be Democrats or Republicans. But in , the election of Barack Obama, a black man, signaled that the Democrats were becoming the party of progressive racial politics. It often takes more than one election for people to switch their party identification.
But by , white voters without a college degree were distinctly more likely to vote Republican than those with college degrees. In the election , 48 percent of college-educated white voters voted for Trump, compared with 66 percent of non-college-educated white voters.
A Marist poll in October of this year found that 55 percent of non-college-educated white voters approved of the job Trump was doing, compared with just 39 percent of college-educated white voters.
When Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh squeaked through a Senate confirmation hearing with a sexual assault allegation in tow, 54 percent of non-college-educated white voters supported him, compared with 38 percent who had gone to college. And the partisan diploma divide held steady last night, reflecting a divide in values between those with degrees and those without.
But for white voters, the answer to that question is split by education level. That nostalgia, however, is for a time when black Americans and other minority groups had significantly fewer civil rights. No other factor, he says, explains the education gap as well—not economic anxiety, ideology, income, or gender.
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